The
Palace and its institutions in the chiefdom of NgambeThe
Palace and its institutions in the chiefdom of NgambeThe chiefdom of Ngambe is one of the ten Tikar chiefdoms which are situated to the east of the north-south divide formed by the Mbam and the Mapé rivers. The capitals are shown on map 1. The stretch of the Mbam above its confluence with the Mapé has been a provincial boundary throughout this century which has meant that Bankim and Bandam have been administered separately from the Tikar chiefdoms to the south. In the 19th Century, too, it was politically important, marking a limit between the spheres of influence of Banyo and Tibati. The southern chiefdoms were administered directly from Yoko from the advent of the Germans until 1974 when they were grouped together as the District of Ngambe-Tikar within the Sub-prefecture of Yoko. The village of Ngambe then became the headquarters of the local administration.
In the second quarter of the 19th century, the Tikar chiefdoms south of the River Mbam suffered raids from Fulani-ruled Tibati and certainly by the late 1840’s they had been made tributary.(1) Franz Thorbecke, who was the first ethnographer to visit this region in 1907-8 and again in 1911-12, spoke with informants whose memories spanned the second half of the 19th century. To judge from their accounts, Ngambe’s emergence as a major power amongst the southern Tikar chiefdoms occurred c. 1860 (Thorbecke 1916: 17; 1919: 72, 75). At that time, the capital of Ngambe was located near modern day Mb’ondi Mbondi (map 2), at a site now called Mbumæ Mbumæ.(2)
According to oral traditions, a conflict arose with Nditam which forced the people of Ngambe, led by their chief Mondji-Djwã Mondji-Djwã, to retreat northwards. They found temporary respite on an island in the River Kim, now called Mbum -ngishi (3), 2 km east of modern M nk (map 2). The area immediately north of the Kim was then under the authority of the chief of Tã, a village 4-5 km north-east of Ngambe (4) Mondji-Djwã Mndji-Djwã is said to have requested his permission to settle at the present site of Ngambe. This was granted but Mondji-Djwã Mondji-Djwã managed to supersede the chief of Tã who eventually moved with his people to the village of Ngambe.
Mondji-Djwã Mondji-Djwã is said to have abused his people by taking their children to use as tribute for Tibati; in return he was given horses and fine clothes. His councillors and his wives conspired to murder him - there is no constitutional mechanism for removing a bad chief at Ngambe - and on his death he was succeeded by Ngavhe (5).
Tibati failed to maintain continuous control over the southern Tikar chiefdoms. It was itself under considerable pressure at times, particularly from the other Adamawan lamidats under the suzerainty of Yola, who besieged Tibati on four occasions during the reigns of Hamadou Arnga Nyamboul and Hamman Bouba (c. 1851-88) (6). On his accession in 1888, Hamman Lamou found that Tibati’s authority over the Tikar chiefdoms had dissipated and, in that year, he embarked on what was to be an eleven year campaign to attempt to bring them to heel. He established his military headquarters at Sansani, several kilometres north-east of Ngambe, from where he directed expeditions against the recalcitrant Tikar chiefs. Initially, Ngambe collaborated and provided him with forces. Having quelled the rebellious chiefdoms, Hamman Lamou intended marching against the Bamoum to the west, but his plans were thwarted when Ngambe declared war in 1891 or 1892. Ngambe was besieged until the arrival of forces of the “Wute-Adamawa Expedition” led by von Kamptz on 13th April 1899.
The Germans gave the chief of Ngambe authority over much of the Tikar region south of the Mbam, but the French colonial administration gradually reduced his area of command in order to make it more manageable. By 1949 at the latest, it had reached its present limits (7).
Owing to the low population density of perhaps less than one person per km2 on land that is extremely fertile, much of this administrative district is not under human use and precise boundaries between the chiefdoms have yet to be determined (8). However, the points on the major footpaths where one passes from one chiefdom to the next are well known locally. Extrapolating from them, one can estimate the area of land to which the chief of Ngambe could lay claim with some justification to be approximately 1,300km2. This area is marked on map 2, which also indicates the subordinate villages of the chiefdom.
The village of Ngambe, the chiefdom capital, is surrounded by a trench (nshi, pl. mènshi) of approximately two metres depth for most of its length (map 3). It is the innermost in a series of concentric trenches which are the remains of the village’s 19th century fortifications. Such trenches, supplemented by palisades and sometimes incorporating natural watercourses, were a common feature of Tikar villages in the 19th century, though the inhabitants of some villages, notably Ina, Wé and Bengbeng, would withdraw to mountain retreats when threatened.
Though there may well have been others which are no longer readily visible from the footpaths, when travelling out from Ngambe in different directions, I never saw more than four trenches, the outermost being about 2 km from the village centre. According to local informants, chiefdom capitals, including Ngambe, had seven, whereas subordinate villages had three. This distinction is likely to be notional rather than actual. reflecting the symbolic significance the Tikar attach to particular numbers. There are numerous social forms in which the appearance of seven, either as the number of units employed or as the times a single operation is repeated, indicates the special status of the chief; the number three is usually associated with male authority in general.
It is the innermost defensive trench which marks the bounds of the village of Ngambe and everything beyond it is said to be “outside” (pis *o *o pis) the village. The vast majority of permanent residents who consider themselves to be Tikar (Mètigè, s. Tigè) live within this limit. Though they intermarry with the Tikar, the people of Lumu, just outside the village (map 3:14), classify themselves as Hausa. They claim to be descendants of a Hausa marabout who was sent by Sultan Njoya to convert the chief of Ngambe to Islam. As a reward, he was given six Tikar princesses as wives and land on which to settle. Nowadays, it is customary for the chief to convert to Islam on his succession if he is not a Moslem already. The people of Lumu supply the chief with a northern-style oboe player (lègirè). He and two drummers are the chief’s musicians and they are classed as retainers of the chief (mètikpu, s.tikpu).
The rectangular houses within the village are built close together and there is little to distinguish one household (dw *o dw *o) from another. In 1975, the administration divided the village, apart from the palace precinct, into three “quarters” to serve as bases of the local party system and for the organization of communal labour. Earlier, the leading princess, Mwãmbwã Fhw *æ Fhw *æ, had been responsible for recruiting the women of the village when their labour was required. As work parties in time of peace, or armies in war, those able-bodied men with no special duties precluding them were divided into two groups according to their relative ages. The elder men, said to be of the right, were led by a man entitled Mburumb’ Mburumb’; the younger, of the left, by his subordinate Nsomburu Nsomburu. These titles still endure and it is widely assumed that, in the event of war, the organization of the armies would revert to its traditional form. When *æMburumb’ *æMburumb’ dies, Nsomburu Nsomburu takes his place and a new man is chosen by the chief from non-royals to take the latter title. When the installation ceremony conferring these titles has taken place, the two men are said to be married.
The chief’s retainers, known as mètikpu (s.tikpu, lit. “possessor of the rat”) are recruited by the chief from the non-royal members of the community. They number approximately 35 and each has a title which often refers to a specific duty he is expected to perform for the chief.
When the armies of Mburumb’ *æ Mburumb’ *æ and Nsomburu Nsomburu went to face the enemy in times of war, the chief’s retainers remained with the chief to act as his personal bodyguard. When there are jobs to be done at the palace, it is they who provide the work-force.
Often they are referred to, perhaps jocularly, as mènængwo mènængwo (s. nængwo nængwo, lit. “chief’s wife”) and this reflects the fact that they are permitted free access to all parts of the palace precinct, excluding the royal cemetery, Shimwã, and that their duties centre on the person of the chief (9).
Three of the chief’s retainers by the appellation nngwo-ndu nngwo-ndu (lit. “chief’s wife-big”). In their case, the ascription of a fictional feminine status receives further symbolic expression, for example, on the death of one of them, the cult of Ngwmbe performs for four days, as it does for a woman, rather than the three days usual for a man.
Dja’ is the leader of the junior retainers and, following the commands of the chief, he organizes their various activities. In addition, he has the power to arrest people who have broken village regulations. The examples commonly given are fighting within the village, transgressing palace boundaries and failing to observe the appropriate signs of mourning during an interregnum.
With two junior retainers, Djsi’ Djsi’ and Ndudjwã, Wmbl Wmbl is responsible to the chief for initiating new members into, and organizing the meetings of, the cult Ngw´mbe Ngw´mbe (see later). His other major duty is to care for the chief’s ceremonial chinstrap, mbl, which is the supreme symbol of chiefship (for a photograph, see Price 1979: 96).
When it is necessary to replace its beads, he makes a clandestine journey to a secret lake on the other side of the River Mbam from whence these beads are purported to emanate. Only Wmbl is allowed to remove this chinstrap from its leopard-skin bag. When he does so, the chief sits on the ground before it and performs the seven-clap royal salute three times. The importance of this action is that it signifies that the chief is inferior to the line of his predecessors who have worn the chinstrap before him and of whom the chief is but the living representative before his people (10)
M shimgbe’s household, Dwshili (map 3: 5) is situated directly in front of the main entrance to the palace precinct. His duties demand that he has a good knowledge of events occurring at the palace. He is aided by a junior chief’s retainer entitled Mèkwumbwã (lit. “the feet of the chief”) who lives with him. Mèkwumbwã should report to him all of significance that has been done or said at the chief’s court. Also, he should tell if there have been any disturbances amongst the chief’s wives because it is Mshimgbe’s responsibility to regulate their affairs when the senior chief’s wives fail to do so. Equally, Mèkwumbwã should inform the chief about the important occurrences at Dwshili. At the death of Mshimgbe, Mèkwumbwã normally takes his place as he has had ample opportunity to learn all that this position entails.
Mshimgbe is the only statutory member of the legal council which meets in front of his house to hear cases (bèké) brought before it by people who have disputes with others not of their patriclans (11) In recent years, the three other members of this council have usually been the chief’s councillor, Fhwu Ngmbe, and Mgbè Dwnku and Ntw Mundji, two well respected patriclan heads; but in their absence, or when the case involved a member of their own facilities or paticlans, other notables stood in. If the parties involved do not accept this council’s rulings, they have the right to appeal before the chief. Alternatively, they can petition the chief for permission to submit to one of the truth ordeals, mbe or mbe-nshu (12), which are administered at dawn, in front of Mshimgbe’s house and under his supervision.
Minor titles, such as those of the junior retainers, are conferred by Mshimgbe at Dwshili on the command of the chief. It is there, too, that a candidate for one of the more important titles must spend a three day period of seclusion, during which time he is supposedly vetted by his ancestors (mèshwè’, s. nshwè’). Having met with Ngwã on the final night (see later), he emerges for the public ceremony which takes place beneath Ndji-NdwÃndji, the tree in the centre of the village (map 3: 10).
The present chief, Mgbaruma Felix, walks along the main thoroughfares of the village about once a week. The only house he enters is that of the princess, Mwãmbwã, unless there happens to be a visiting chief lodged with one of his villagers. He leaves the palace precinct and sits in front of Mshimgbe’s house to observe public ceremonies held farther down in the village. He sits there, too, when he wishes to make announcements to his people. Three Guava trees used to provide shelter at this spot, but they were cut down by order of the district administration in 1974 and now only their stumps remain.
Ndji-Ndwãndji, Ndji-Ngwo and Ndji-Nguhu are the personal names of three other trees located outside the palace. By itself, the term Ndji is an honorific title used to address princes.
In relation to plants (ngè), it is a prefix meaning “standing tree of the type ...”, so distinguishing living trees from other plant forms that do not have trunks; but it can only be used as a prefix. To designate a tree of unspecified type, one would say ndji-ngè’ (13). It is unlikely that the two usages are coincidental as the Tikar make an explicit identification between trees and authority which manifests itself in various ways. An example is provided by the custom of announcing the death of an important person by throwing a length of dead wood on the ground in front of the chief.
The village is dominated by the tree, Ndji-Ndwãndji (map 3: 10), which has a height of about 65 metres. It holds great significance for the Tikar. It is said to have been planted by Mndji-Djwã when he came from Mbum -ngishi to establish his village at its present location. Seven maidens (mèshwo) are supposed to have been buried alive beneath its roots on that occasion. The tree itself symbolises the line of chiefs of Ngambe and, should a large branch fall from it, the event is classed as ndwã, a portent of impending disaster, in this case a sign that the chief of Ngambe, or perhaps the chief of another Tikar chiefdom, will shortly die (14).
This tree, whose species I have yet to ascertain, is certainly most unusual in that it sheds its leaves during the rainy season and bears them throughout the dry season, thereby providing shade when it is most needed. Furthermore, it often appears to emit a delicate and refreshing spray: this curious phenomenon is popularly attributed to the myriad caterpillars which feed on its leaves. The relative coolness felt beneath its branches is explicitly likened to the peace and tranquillity to be had under the aegis of the chief of Ngambe. It is the site of many public events. It is where the small Saturday market is held and where the final parts of the ceremonies publically bestowing certain important titles are enacted. It also provides a general meeting place to which people repair when they have nothing better to do. They sit on this tree’s roots, enjoying the shade, chatting and watching the world go by, and they can play a Tikat game called d’ on a board carved in one of its roots. When the maize begins to ripe, the tree is “dressed” by hanging an entire maize plant from its lower branches in order to indicate that it is harvest-time, or, as the Tikar put it, “the time of the maize-wine has arrived” (kwã nkã bènè).
Ndji-Ndwãndji marks the western end of a large, cleared area in the main thoroughfare of government, and it only comes into prominence in the ceremonies for the installation of war captains. In the space between these two trees, large groups of people congregate and dance on festival occasions of a light-hearted or secular nature. Here, too, are held the formal displays presented by schoolchildren and the district administration to celebrate such national events as 20th May and Christmas Day.
The third important tree, Ndji-Nguhu (map 3: 8) fell in 1973. It trunk still remains, but at its death it ceased to be venerated and it is gradually being used up as firewood. It is said to have been planted by the chief of Tã when he moved with his people to Ngambe. His descendants now comprise of the largest patriclans in Ngambe and it is named Tã.
FOOTNOTES
*The fieldwork upon which this paper is based was conducted between March 1975 and March 1977, and sponsored by the Social Science Research Council and the Coca-Cola Company Ltd. For the sake of economy and simplicity Tikar terms have only been very approximately rendered, and tones have been omitted. Ellen Jackson (S.I.L.) who is working on the Bankim dialect of Tikar has kindly informed me that Tikar has three level tones and three glides, low-mid, low-high and high-low. I should make it clear that the present transcription does violence to semantic distinctions, as will appear, in due course, when Miss Jackson publishes her material.
The vowel phonemes of the Ngambe dialect of Tikar are:
| i | u | |
| e | o | |
| è |
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| æ | a |
